Arab Nationalism and Its Impact on the Muslim World

Turkey was once the sword-arm of the Islamic world, and the Turkish nation, as the center of the Ottoman Caliphate, led the Muslim world for nearly five hundred years. Istanbul was the capital of the Ottoman Caliphate, and its flag flew over most of the Middle East, including the sacred Hijaz. However, after suffering repeated defeats at the hands of the Turks during the Crusades, European nations laid intricate plots to uproot the Ottoman Caliphate itself. Ultimately, by pitting Arab nationalism against Turkish nationalism, European powers succeeded in rolling up the proverbial carpet of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924:

• Arab countries, in the name of Arab nationalism, chose the path of rebellion to liberate themselves from Turkish "subjugation."
• Turkish nationalists, under the leadership of Atatürk Mustafa Kemal Pasha, cast off the "yoke" of the Caliphate and laid the foundations for a secular Republic of Turkey.
  It was also deemed necessary to rid themselves of the Caliphate's influences and symbols: the Arabic language was banned. The recitation of the Holy Quran, the Adhan (call to prayer), and the performance of Salat (prayer) in Arabic were prohibited. Most mosques were closed. The burqa was outlawed. Religious seminaries (madrasas) and Sufi lodges (khanqahs) were shut down. Every possible effort was made to forcibly strip Turkey of all religious symbols and align it with the ranks of secular Europe, although this campaign could not be sustained for long.

Arab Nationalism

The rise of Arab nationalism was conceived as an idea of Arab freedom, a reaction against centuries of Ottoman Turkish rule. Just as those who paved the way for the end of the Caliphate taught the Turks that they were Europeans and a superior nation, and therefore their connection with the Arabs could hinder their bright future, similarly, during that era, Arabs were taught that they were Arabs, and being ruled by non-Arabs (Ajamis) was against Arab supremacy—hence, they should liberate themselves from the Ottoman Caliphate as soon as possible. This "Arab nationalism" had various facets and dimensions:

1. One dimension was religious, manifested in the rebellion of Sharif of Mecca, Syed Hussain Hashemi, against the Ottoman Caliphate. The reason cited was that the Turks were non-Arabs (Ajamis) and oppressors, thus they had no right to the Caliphate. A condition for the Caliph of Islam was to be a Qurayshi, and a non-Qurayshi could not be Caliph. Therefore, Sharif Hussain, who was Qurayshi and Hashemite, rebelled against the Turks based on the British colonial promise that he would be recognized as the Caliph of the Arab world. However, when the rebellion succeeded and the Turks were expelled from the Arab lands, the sons of the Sharif of Mecca were given the rule of Iraq and Jordan, while the rule of the House of Saud was acknowledged over the land of Hijaz. Meanwhile, one of the Sharif's sons was made the ruler of Iraq, who, being a Hashemite, laid the foundation of a separate kingdom in Iraq.
2. However, the second aspect of Arab nationalism, based on secularism rather than religion, overthrew this through revolution. General Abdul Karim Qasim and the Ba'ath Party led this wing of Arab nationalism, and Saddam Hussein's rise to power was also rooted in this context.
3. There was also a third facet of Arab nationalism, distinct from both Saudi Arabia's religious Arab nationalism and the Ba'ath Party's secular Arab nationalism. Its leadership was in the hands of Egypt's Jamal Abdel Nasser, who was neither inclined to implement Sharia law in the country like Saudi Arabia, nor did he deny religion like the Ba'ath Party.

After the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate, Arab nationalism continued to advance on these three fronts, often clashing with one another. During the Cold War, they were divided between the American and Russian camps, leading to divisions and revolutions in many Arab countries based on this ideology. Despite all these conflicts, Arab nationalism remained a common thread among them, and they still make collective decisions on the forum of the "Arab League." This is precisely why, when the possibilities of Iranian influence and penetration in the Arab world became evident after the success of the religious revolution in Iran, Saddam Hussein fought an eight-year-long continuous war with Iran to block its path. He had American backing in this war because it served America's future agenda. However, the entire Arab world supported Saddam Hussein in this war, and the underlying force was this same Arab nationalism, which deemed this war necessary to curb the influence of a non-Arab (Ajami) power in the Arab world.

The Israel Factor

After the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate, Britain first occupied Palestine itself, installing its Governor-General, and then paved the way for the establishment of Israel before departing. The first alteration to the geographical borders of the Middle East occurred when the Ottoman Caliphate was dismantled and Arabs were "liberated" from the domination of the non-Arab Caliphate. Besides granting several Arab regions the status of independent states, new states like Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel were also established. The real purpose of this division at that time was to establish governments favorable to them in the region and to pave the way for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. 

"Greater Israel" is the long-cherished dream of Jewish Zionists, for which Palestine was partitioned to facilitate the creation of Israel. The West has armed and strengthened it to such an extent that it now disregards all concerns in fulfilling its ambitions and agendas, moving forward while trampling all moral and legal boundaries. The map of Greater Israel has emerged, which includes the entirety of Iraq, half of Saudi Arabia including Medina, and many other Arab countries, making it the paramount power in the region, under whose subjugation Arabs and Muslims would have to live.

The Cold War Era

The prescription of Arab nationalism or regional nationalisms was used very deftly and cleverly by Western intellectuals and rulers to dismantle the Ottoman Caliphate. They succeeded in sabotaging the political center of the Islamic world, the Ottoman Caliphate, by encouraging Arabs to seek freedom from the rule of the non-Arab Turks. And when they succeeded in achieving this freedom by fragmenting the Caliphate, they entangled them in the web of Egyptian, Syrian, Jordanian, Iraqi, Palestinian, and other regional nationalisms. In reaction, a segment of Arab intellectuals adopted the principle of "like-for-like treatment," seeking to use the very Arab nationalism and regional nationalisms that had paved the way for Western intervention and dominance against the Ottoman Caliphate, as a weapon against Western supremacy. This was the strategy of Jamal Abdel Nasser, Ahmed Ben Bella, Ibrahim Abboud, Abdul Karim Qasim, Muammar Gaddafi, Nureddin al-Atassi, and many other Arab leaders. They attempted to use Arab nationalism—which had become a tool for Western dominance and intervention—as a weapon for liberation from the West.

Since the Soviet Union had emerged as a rival to the United States, it supported this slogan of Arab nationalism, thereby expanding its sphere of influence. However, the devastating defeat of the Arabs at the hands of Israel in 1967 completely changed the landscape. Even the nationalist Arab leaders had to prostrate themselves at America's doorstep to save their politics and power. Saddam Hussein fundamentally belonged to this camp; he was a proponent of Arab nationalism and later Iraqi nationalism. He worked tirelessly for the Ba'ath Party, founded on this ideology, and ascended to power. The Ba'ath Party once enjoyed the political and moral support of the Soviet Union, but falling behind in the race for competition, Saddam Hussein, like other Arab nationalist leaders, had to enter the fold of American friendship. There was a time when Saddam Hussein was counted among America's friends in the region; he received full American backing in the war against Iran and was considered one of America's best allies. But when Saddam Hussein was no longer needed, or in other words, when America had to choose between Israel and Iraq, the scene in the Arab Gulf changed once again.

The Impact on the Muslim Word

The condition of our Arab kings is that they are still under the illusion that America is their "friend" as much as Israel's, and that for the sake of one friend, it will not harm the other without some consideration. Therefore, for their protection and survival, the Arab monarchies have no apparent support other than America's mercy. Nor have they made any alternative arrangements during the past half-century, or at least bothered to think about one. For their protection and defense, they are left with essentially the umbrella of "Arab nationalism," where they gather under the name of the Arab League and feel happy that they are all united. However, the weapon of Arab nationalism is also a double-edged sword, capable of striking both ways:

• This very Arab nationalism dismembered the Ottoman Caliphate.
• Wielding this sword of Arab nationalism, Egypt's late President Jamal Abdel Nasser stood against American and Israeli ambitions in the Middle East.
• This same Arab nationalism is the slogan of President Saddam Hussein and his Ba'ath Party.
• And it was by raising the banner of this very Arab nationalism that the Arab League gave America clearance to attack Afghanistan, effectively saying, "Say nothing to the Arabs, whatever else you do, we are with you."

Muslim rulers are preoccupied with their own duties, the religious scholars (Ulama) have no time beyond their traditional tasks, and a large number of intellectuals and thinkers are consumed by concerns for their own futures rather than that of the Ummah. In these circumstances, who will guide the Ummah and who will have the courage to step forward to show the nation the right path? It is the duty of the learned to maintain courage and awareness and to use intellect and wisdom to pull the Muslim Ummah out of this terrible confusion and quagmire. But as is evident, the intellectuals themselves have fallen prey to subjugation, their senses have erred, and their courage has failed. Then who can devise a strategy to save a person venturing empty-handed into a jungle from wild beasts?

Despite all reservations, we are ready to raise the slogan of "Long Live Arab Nationalism," because in defense and protection, any weapon that proves useful should be adopted. However, we must respectfully submit to the Arab kings that true Arab nationalism consists of those Arab peoples and Muslims who are ready to become an insurmountable wall against American and Israeli ambitions, provided they are given the opportunity to organize and defend themselves. We are confident that if today Arab public opinion is given the chance to organize in the right direction, and if Arab rulers choose the path of respecting their people's sentiments instead of suppressing them, then America and its allies will not dare to cast an eye on any Arab country.

May Allah Almighty have mercy on our condition, Ameen.